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Lessons from Walter Reed

by Mark Kleiman

Over the last few years, it's become increasingly clear that conservatives have an all-purpose response to any public-management disaster that happens on their watch, from New Orleans to Baghdad: "What do you expect?" they ask. "We told you government was incompetent and corrupt by nature. That's why we need to shrink it "to the size where we can drown it in the bathtub," in Grover Norquist's famous phrase. It's a clever heads-I-win-tails-you-lose game. When something goes right on conservatives' watch, that just shows the advantage of "running government like a business" (complete with a "CEO-in-chief" - are we having fun yet?) and outsourcing as much government activity as possible to private contractors (who also happen to be major GOP contributors). When something goes wrong, it's just another sign of government's inherent ineffectiveness, and a reason to re-elect the party of small government.

Since the recent exposure of horrific conditions at Walter Reed Army Medical Center and other military medical facilities around the country, many Republicans have tried to apply this trick to the growing scandal. Helped by some sloppy journalists, they've encouraged the widespread belief that Walter Reed is part of the Veterans Administration—and its mismanagement is therefore another piece of evidence in their brief against "big government", and, of course, "socialized medicine." In an example of this misdirection, President Bush recently announced a federal investigation into both military medical care and VA medical care in the wake of the scandal.

But of course Walter Reed is run by the Army, with the help of those private contractors Republicans love because they're so efficient (and so generous at campaign season). As for the VA medical system—it did used to be terrible; I recall medical-resident friends joking about "practicing veterinary medicine," because the VA treated its patients like animals. But it was fixed under President Clinton, and now, as the Monthly reported in 2005 has the best quality and customer-satisfaction numbers in the entire health-care system. The VA also leads the way in the use of information technology to improve quality and cut cost.

The Bush administration is planning to starve the VA financially, but so far hasn't badly damaged it operationally—though of course it's been busy messing up Iraq, with the help of contractors and CPA staff hired for reasons of political loyalty rather than competence. The Federal Emergency Management Agency, on the other hand, has completed the round trip, from pork-and-patronage cesspit under Reagan and Bush Sr., to superb disaster-relief agency under Clinton, back to cesspit under Bush, Jr. Part of the difference is that Clinton appointed a disaster-relief professional to run FEMA, while Bush first went with his campaign manager, and then his campaign manager's old college buddy, Heckuva Job Brownie. (At least Brown at FEMA wasn't in nearly as sensitive a position as Bernie Kerik, Giuliani's sleazeball former driver, who Bush wanted to run the Department of Homeland Security).

Of course Republicans do some things right and Democrats do some things badly. But putting the anti-government party in power is hardly likely to improve the performance of government. As Alan Wolfe wrote in the Monthly last year, "Conservatives cannot govern well for the same reason that vegetarians cannot prepare a world-class boeuf bourguignon: If you believe that what you are called upon to do is wrong, you are not likely to do it very well."


Mark Kleiman is Professor of Public Policy at UCLA. He blogs at The Reality-Based Community www.samefacts.com.



Washington Scoop

March 7, 2007

Duly Noted: Good of you...

"Either somebody will have become the acceptable articulator of where we need to go in which case we don't need a candidate or there will be a very vivid and obvious vacuum in which case I will consider it."

- Newt Gingrich, to Washingtonpost.com, on whether he'll run for president'


Poll Talk: More discouraging news for Mitt Romney?

A recent Gallup poll found that 46 percent of Americans have an unfavorable opinion of the Mormon religion in general. It also found that Republicans are slightly more negative in their views of Mormons than are either independents or Democrats.


In Memoriam: Thomas Eagleton

By Charles Peters

It was painful for me to read the reports of the death of former Missouri senator Thomas Eagleton on Sunday—not only because I loved him as a friend, but because almost every single account focused on the few days during which he was selected and then deselected as the 1972 vice-presidential nominee.

There was so much more to Tom than that. For eighteen years, he was a thoughtful and conscientious US senator. Indeed, George McGovern called him one of the ten or twelve best senators with whom he had served. A passionate opponent of the Vietnam War, Tom was an original sponsor of the War Powers Act who voted against the final version of the bill because he thought it had been "watered down too much." History has proved him right.

Tom was also one of the ten or twelve best senators that I have known. And in one respect—as an all around good guy—he was unexcelled among the public men I have encountered. "There was nothing devious about him," says former senator John Danforth, a Republican. "He was wonderful to deal with in the Senate. He was funny and saw the ridiculousness in things"—something that could not be said of most of his colleagues, especially in regard to themselves.

Tom and I shared a passion for baseball and football. We first bonded while challenging each other on trivia about the St. Louis Cardinals and the St. Louis Browns of our youth. I always wished he were my next-door neighbor.

Charles Peters is founding editor of the Washington Monthly


Learn more at www.SuperCamp.com now.

What We're Reading

Slate has a pair of stories on the growing war-powers showdown between Congress and the White House. Law professors Noah Feldman and Samuel Isscharoff argue that Congress can set an end date for the war and impose certain constraints on a conflict, but can't limit how many troops may fight or whether particular troops can be sent into battle (as proposals by Barack Obama and John Murtha, among others, would seek to do). Conversely, Slate senior editor Emily Bazelon argues that Congress has put similar limits on the President in the past that have survived scrutiny by the courts. Both pieces are thought-provoking because there's no right-or-wrong answer here. Historically, the courts have been reluctant to wade into the war powers morass, and so there's not much jurisprudence to steer by. That means the debate will most likely be decided by the branch of government that is prepared to fight the hardest for its interpretation of its constitutional authority. Anyone willing to bet against the White House on that one?

Salon's Michael Scherer profiles Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee, a long-shot candidate for the GOP presidential nomination. Huckabee, a former Baptist pastor, has solid conservative Christian credentials, but his style is more flowers and honey than fire and brimstone. "If I really know what it means to follow Jesus, it means no kid goes hungry tonight," he told a crowd in Iowa. "It means no wife gets the daylights beat out of her by some alcoholic abusive husband. It means no kid lives in a neighborhood where he is scared to death of some child predator that is going to pick him up and carry him off. It means not one single elderly person has to make the choice between food or medicine." No wonder some leading Democrats believe Huckabee could be the GOP's strongest potential candidate.